Book Review: Presidential Power by Richard Neustadt

“My theme is personal power and its politics: what it is, how to get it, how to keep it, how to use it.” (1) This personal power is presidential power. As many have said in the past, the President is the most powerful man in the free world. When stated in this manner it gives the impression of awe and might. However, Richard Neustadt reveals that this power is subtle at times and difficult to cultivate. Presidential Power is a reflection of a practitioner in the White House. Richard Neustadt worked in the White House during FDR’s and Truman’s presidency. He had first hand knowledge of presidential action in and outside of Washington. This intimate view explores, “the power problem of the man inside the White House.” (2) His approach is one of personal reflection and observation. However, his understanding of power in the highest office of the land is unparalleled.

The essence of presidential power is “the president’s influence on governmental action.” (3) Can the president get what he wants when he wants it? Moreover, can the President move the men of the White House to act and perform to his liking? According to Neustadt, his influence must reach five constituents: Executive officialdom, Congress, Partisans, Citizens, and Foreign allegiances. It is up to the President to see that they (constituents) do feel obligated to do what he wants done. This is where his influence, knowledge, status, prestige, and his ability to persuade and manipulate the system determines whether what he wants done will in fact be done.

Influence and persuasion go hand in hand, however action consists of five common factors, defined by Neustadt. First, the President’s involvement must be clear. Second, the orders he gives must be publicized. Third, the men whom are ordered to act must have the tools and equipment at their disposal to carry out the order. Fourth, there can be no doubt about the authenticity of the order. Lastly, the orders must be from the President’s own mouth, not through bureaucratic channels or other high-ranking officials. These actions are defined as “self-executing orders (and) are anything but everyday affairs.” (4)

Self-executing actions are rare. Direct command actions are more rare, save for a military strike. More commonly the President must have a keen ability to persuade ‘Washingtonians’ to his way of doing things. As Neustadt explains, “Truman is quite right when he declares that presidential power is the power to persuade. Command is but a method of persuasion, not a substitute, and not a method suitable for everyday employment.” (5) Everyday employment is directed through institutional channels. Power is not solely placed at the feet of the President; it permeates throughout the government. In essence, Washington is sharing power through institutions. Neustadt reveals, “the constitutional convention of 1787 is supposed to have created a government of ‘separated powers.’ It did nothing of the sort. Rather, it created a government of separated institutions sharing powers.” (6)

Consequently, the President will have many different barriers and obstacles to overcome, within Washington. His place in the oval office becomes a hindrance, because of the institutional framework of the government, and ironically a blessing because of these institutional mechanisms. This situation ultimately reveals true leadership, influence, and persuasion skills of a President. In fact, as a result of these constraints, effective persuasion translates into bargaining. Neustadt states that, “power is persuasion and persuasion becomes bargaining.” (7) In other words, an effective President can not rely on command and control strategy for governmental action. An effective President will have the tools of persuasion, which will create many opportunities for bargaining. Bargaining does not mean submissive and superior agendas, bargaining means convincing others that his agenda takes precedence over others. As Neustadt communicates, “ a president’s persuasive task … is to induce them to believe that what he wants of them is what their own appraisal of their own responsibilities requires them to do in their interest, not his.” (8) Not only does the president need to move his agenda, he must convince others his agenda is theirs. This is not an easy task, however “most outcomes turn on bargaining.” (9)

Likewise, bargaining is also an effectiveness gauge placed upon the president. For, “the men he (the president) would persuade must be convinced in their own minds that he has skill and will enough to use his advantages.” (10) This becomes a function of time. Men working with the president will see over time whether he will ‘follow through’ with his actions. If the President is true to his word then bargaining will be more lucrative. As a result, the President will appear strong and his perception as a leader will be enhanced. This perception, derived from bargaining outcomes, will translate into power. Conversely, “if his failures seem to form a pattern, the consequence is bound to be a loss of faith in his effectiveness.” (11)

Furthermore, this perception will enhance his public prestige. When outcomes are made public his influence will grow, thus the public will be more likely to support his policies and initiatives. In this situation the President’s power increases, however if outcomes are lacking then prestige will decrease. In effect, prestige is a function of outcomes. The difficulty with public prestige, nonetheless is the fact that, “Presidential standing outside Washington is actually a jumble of imprecise impressions held by relatively inattentive men.” (12) As a result, “a President’s prestige is thus … a factor that may not decide the outcome in a given case but can affect the likelihoods in every case and therefore is strategically important to his power.” (13)

In conclusion, the President must work within institutional structures developed to share powers. He must be motivated, skilled and above all else a master of the persuasive art. If all factors are in line then he can produce outcomes through bargaining, thus transforming it into power.

1. Neustadt, Richard E. Presidential Power. New York: The New American Library, 1960. p. vii. (All additional footnotes will refer to this text)
2. Ibid
3. p. 15
4. p. 37
5. p. 41
6. p. 42
7. p. 46-47
8. p. 53
9. p. 54
10. p. 64
11. p. 67
12. p. 89
13. p. 93-94